However this province is the home to 4 million tribesmen, racially distinct from the Indonesians, who have until recently effectively controlled their own affairs and who never gave their consent to the Indonesian takeover.

Freeport as part of its deal with the Government, houses, feeds and transports a military garrison at the mine. In addition Freeport has its own security force of about 600 men. In 1994 -5 the military garrison was accused of numerous killings and of using torture to suppress the local population. The Catholic Bishop documented these cases and they received international publicity. Freeport then distanced itself from the military blaming the military for the attrocities.

President Suharto of Indonesia then attacked Freeport, blaming it for the troubles, and telling it to improve its relations with the local communty.

Subsequent to this, in February-March 1996 it seems the military "punished" Freeport by withdrawing its military protection, allowing 6000 locals to wreck mine property in anti-Freeport riots. Allegations have now surfaced that Government agents may have provoked the riots.

The Generals supervised meetings between the Chief Executive of Freeport McMoRan Copper and Gold Inc, James R Moffett, with representatives of the local tribes in which Moffat had to face the local ire. A key demand of the tribes was that Freeport acknowledge their rights to control what happens on their tribal lands. A humbled Moffat promised to bring an answer back to the tribes within a month - ie by mid April.

The last few days have revealed that the Indonesian military, having taught the American company its lesson, are moving back in to try to make sure that the local inhabitants do not challenge Indonesia's authority.

This development also puts at increased risk the 11 hostages held by the OPM independence forces since January 8th - including 2 Dutch and 4 British citizens. If any ill should by chance occur to them which could be blamed on the OPM, the OPM will immediately be characterised internationally as a terrorist organisation. Thus reports that undercover military commando units, armed with identical weapons to the OPM (so any hostages killed in a rescue attempt can be blamed on the OPM) are scouting out the jungle hide-outs are highly alarming.

The bow and arrow armed tribespeople around the mine site and the townships of Timika and Tembagapura are now being terrorized by the arrival of thousands of troops. Hercules aircraft packed with troops are reported to be coming in every day into Timika airport, which is now closed to civilian use.

The troops coming in include the KOPASSUS (elite highly trained commandoes). This troops, of ill fame because of their role in supressing the Timorese, are under the personal command of President Suharto' son-in-law, Brig-General Prabowo. Also included in the airlift are troops of the KOSTRAD (the army's Strategic Command) and the Hasanuddin Regional Command (South Sulawesi). According to sources close to the military, by 5 April between 3,000 and 4,000 men had already been dropped in the area. These combat troops are armed with a variety of weapons including SPs, M16s and AKs, and are backed up by large quantities of ammunition and other supplies.

A massive 'show of force' is underway. Besides the defences set up on the coast with the presence of a warship, about twelve Air Force helicopters are now based at Timika airport. Already fitted with bombs, they have been ferrying troops to various parts of the region in the vicinity of the Freeport mine, while at the same time keeping an aerial watch on every move being made by the local people.

Several fighter planes are also based at Timika airport and are conducting 'training' missions over areas suspected as being hiding places for 'rioters or rebels' - in particular up in the mountain regions. In order to defend Timika Airport from the likelihood of attack, mortars have been set up around this 'vital' installation.

All hotels and lodging places in Timika are now occupied by troops. Whereas following the exposures about human rights, the army refrained from using Freeport vehicles, these vehicles are once again being freely used by the troops to patrol the villages and kampungs in the entire region.

According to church and community sources in Timika, army troops have now been stationed in every single Freeport security post, from Port Site down on the coast up to Grasberg in the mountains. Several Freeport employees have complained about soldiers keeping a close watch on them, in particular the Irianese employees, at their places of work and also in their living quarters. 'We are all under a great deal of stress and feel very much intimidated because the military are watching our every move,' said one Freeport employee who has worked for the company for more than ten years.

In addition to being deployed at all Freeport security posts, hundreds of troops have also been stationed in a number of villages, in Kwamki Lama, Kwamki Baru, the Central Timika Market and in all the transmigration sites where local transmigrants (Amungme, Kamoro, Dani and others) are living alongside transmigrants from outside Irian Jaya.

'Mysterious' people pop up everywhere, in the gardens, along the river banks and up in the mountain regions. They can be seen roaming around all over the place. Day and night, army trucks full of heavily-armed soldiers are patrolling the roads and villages around Timika and Tembagapura. In particular they are keeping watch over the activities of the two most outspoken community leaders in the region, Tom Beanal, a leader of the Amungme Tribal Council (LEMASA), and Father Natalis Gobai, Catholic parish priest in the Tiga Raja parish, gathering whatever information they can about their whereabouts and activities.